This leadership had spent years preparing for a revolutionary overthrow of society and now when power was in their grasp most of them completely failed to recognise the balance of forces and the inability of capitalism to resolve any of the fundamental issues that affect. The issue of food, an end to the war and the land question could not be resolved on the basis of capitalism - and the pg was in fact a capitalist government and as such could not and should not be relied upon. The reforms it had passed were as a result of the mass pressure plan of the movement of workers, soldiers and peasants. If the pressure were to fade the reforms could just as easily be taken away. The leadership of the soviet consisted of Mensheviks, social revolutionaries (SRs) and Bolsheviks. The mensheviks believed in the two-stage theory of the revolution. Firstly, the Tsarist regime would fall and a capitalist liberal democracy would be established. Then the capitalist economy would develop and so would the working class.
Frederick Engels once said that in the last analysis the State consists of beauty a body of armed men. In March 1917 there was the pg with nominal political power and the soviet with real political power in that nothing happened without its approval and it controlled the bodies of armed men. This was a classic situation of dual power where both organs of power even met in the same place - the tauride palace! Why then did the soviet not sweep aside the pg which was a remnant of the fourth Duma that had been elected on a limited franchise and had limited support? The soviet was an elected body of about 600 delegates that had huge support amongst the working class and the armed forces. Contradiction, real power was in the hands of the soviet, yet it was not taken. To understand this contradiction it is necessary to understand the nature of many of the leaders of the soviet.
On March 1, the pg began to implement some overdue political and legal reforms to prepare for elections to a constituent Assembly (CA). The reforms, which any marxist would have supported, included civil rights such as freedom of the press, of speech, of assembly and of religion, along with the right to strike (strikes had been brutally suppressed under the Tsarist regime as well as amnesty for political. It was also agreed, jointly with the petrograd soviet, that a militia would be established to replace the Tsarist police and that the 250,000-strong Petrograd Garrison, the armed power behind the revolution, would not be moved out of the capital. On the same day however that the pg was issuing these orders, the soviet published Army Order Number 1 which stated that soldiers and sailors were to obey the orders of the pg only if the soviet gave its approval. In addition the Order stated that soldiers and sailors were to set up their own committees to take control over weapons out of the hands of the officers. A few days later the soviet issued Army Order Number 2 which called on soldiers and sailors to sack their commanders and elect others in their place. In addition to this power, the soviet also had control, through its elected trade union and worker delegates, over the railways, the postal and telegraph services. The soviet had also set up food supply committees and was publishing its own newspaper - izvestia (The news). Similar soviets were springing up all over the country (by autumn 1917 there were more than 900).
Hidden europe, april 1917: Lenin returns to russia
In the modern epoch the answers seem clear-cut. Capitalism has outlived its usefulness and socialism is on the agenda. For many revolutionary leaders in February 1917 the answers were not so clear-cut, even for many bolsheviks. The february 1917 revolution in Russia was the "dress rehearsal" for the October revolution. In the space of a few weeks the whole of Russian society was turned upside down.
The 300-year-old Romanov dynasty came to an end with the abdication of Tsar Nicholas Second on March. Strikes, demonstrations and mutinies in the armed forces had brought down the government. In this revolutionary situation there arose two organs of power. On the one hand there was the temporary committee of the fourth Duma, a self-appointed grouping of centre-right politicians supported by interest the middle and upper classes. This became the Provisional government (PG) headed by Prince lvov. The only socialist in the pg was Alexander Kerensky who was Minister of Justice. At the same time, on February 26 and 27, elections were held to the petrograd soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies.
He immediately embarked on the task of convincing not only the mass of workers, but also the bolshevik leadership, that the tasks of the revolution were socialist, that what was needed was for power to pass to the hands of the. Revolutions are the supreme test for revolutionary ideas, programmes and the individuals who support these ideas. Comrades who have studied revolutions in order to understand the processes taking place will be disappointed if they expect a new revolutionary situation to develop exactly like a previous one. The task is to apply the method of analysis to the concrete situation that is unfolding. Theories on how to change society are not abstract schemas or dogmas that are applied at any given moment despite the nature of the concrete situation.
Unfortunately however there are so-called revolutionaries who will try to fit the situation to the schema. They fail to recognise that an analysis that was relevant at one time and place is no longer valid because the objective situation has changed. Revolutions throw up fundamental questions. What is the nature of the revolution? Is it a revolution to establish a bourgeois capitalist democracy or a workers' democracy? What is the balance of forces between the classes? What forces are to lead the revolution? Is it the working class supported by other socially oppressed or marginalised layers? Is it the working class in alliance with "progressive" elements of the bourgeoisie?
Vladimir, lenin - ovo
Lenin was of an uncompromising bent: he called for no support of the writing Provisional government then in power, which he characterized as capitalist and imperialist in nature. He demanded that the entire state's power be turned over to the soviets of Workers Deputies (i.e., the communists) and rejected summary parliamentary democracy. He called for the abolition of the state bureaucracy, the police, and the army. He called for the nationalization of all landed estates and the end of private land ownership. He demanded the consolidation of all banks into one state bank to be run by the workers. He said the first step was not immediately to introduce socialism but to put production and distribution of all products under the control of the soviets of Workers Deputies. His writings show he wanted no compromise with the more centrist social democrats, because he thought they were or would be betrayed by the capitalists. This month marks 90 years since lenin returned to russia from exile.
Effects edit After the february revolution, bolshevik leaders returning from exile (such as lev kamenev ) were arguing a much more moderate line, that Russian involvement in the war could be justified and that there should be cooperation with the liberals in the Provisional government. However, lenin's arguments reflected those made by the leading Bolsheviks in Petrograd at homework the time of the february revolution, such as Alexander Shlyapnikov. Lenin succeeded in persuading the bolsheviks of his arguments as laid out in the April Theses and they provided much of the ideological groundwork that later led to the October revolution. References edit External links edit retrieved from " p? 'The february revolution was spontaneous ; the October revolution was planned.' you may well have heard or read other statements like this about the two russian revolutions of 1917, but what is the evidence? Lenin wrote his theses in 1917, at which time russia was involved in World War. He said the peasants and the workers should not support any war effort that did not include the overthrow of capitalism. He also argued that they needed to be taught that fighting in World War I was not in their interests.
in the bolshevik newspaper Pravda. In the Theses, lenin: 2 Condemns the Provisional government as bourgeois and urges "no support" for it, as "the utter falsity of all its promises should be made clear." he condemns World War i as a "predatory imperialist war" and the "revolutionary defensism" of foreign. Asserts that Russia is "passing from the first stage of the revolution —which, owing to the insufficient class consciousness and organization of the proletariat, placed power in the hands of the bourgeoisie—to its second stage, which must place power in the hands of the proletariat. Steklov, etc., etc., who have yielded to the influence of the bourgeoisie and spread that influence among the proletariat.' calls for a parliamentary republic not to be established and calls this a "retrograde step." he calls for "a republic of soviets of Workers Agricultural Labourers'. The organisation of separate soviets of Deputies of poor peasants. The setting up of a model farm on each of the large estates (ranging in size from 100 to 300 dessiatines, according to local and other conditions, and to the decisions of the local bodies) under the control of the soviets of Agricultural Labourers' deputies. Lenin first developed this point in his 1915 pamphlet "Socialism and War when he first called the pro-war social-democrats "social chauvinists." Calls for a new "revolutionary International, an International against the social-chauvinists and against the 'center. This later became the comintern (Third International) which was formed in 1919.
Contents, background edit, the, february revolution had resulted in reviews the abdication of Tsar Nicholas ii, the collapse of Imperial Russia, and the establishment of the liberal Provisional government under georgy lvov and later Alexander Kerensky. The Provisional government was dominated mainly by liberals and moderate socialists who wanted to instigate political reform, creating a democracy with elections for an executive and a constituent assembly. After the february revolution Lenin sought to return to russia as soon as possible. This was problematic because he was isolated in neutral Switzerland as World War I continued to be fought in neighbouring states. The Swiss communist Fritz Platten managed to negotiate with the german government for the safe passage of Lenin and his company through Germany by rail on the so-called "sealed train." The german government clearly hoped Lenin's return would create political unrest in Russia, which would. (Indeed, after the October revolution resulted in the bolshevik rise to power, this did occur with the decree on peace and Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.) Once through Germany, lenin continued by ferry to Sweden, and the remainder of the journey through Scandinavia was subsequently arranged. On 16 April (3 April according to the old Russian Calendar 1917, lenin arrived by train to a tumultuous reception at Finland Station in Petrograd.
Vladimir, lenin, legends of the Globe
From wikipedia, the free encyclopedia, jump to navigation, jump to search. Manifestation of war veterans and invalids in Petrograd on Apr 17 1917 against Lenin advantages arrival. Bolshevik leader, vladimir Lenin upon his return to, petrograd from his exile in, switzerland via. The Theses were mostly aimed at fellow Bolsheviks in Russia and returning to russia from exile. He called for soviets (workers' councils) to take power (as seen in the slogan "all power to the soviets denounce liberals and social revolutionaries in the, provisional government, called for Bolsheviks not to cooperate with the government, and called for new communist policies. The April Theses influenced the. July days and, october revolution in the next months and are identified with.